Never had I sensed the feeling of being home until the age of 22, not that I have found one yet.

The necessary conditions to such a state had to be my education away from home from the age of 4, wrapped into the hill station of Kalimpong where time at boarding school passed like water flowing within the confines of a peaceful dam, full of swirling flanges ready to downpour despite the appearance of calm on the surface.

A hill station is where the British used to go, after temporarily quitting on ruling India, during the summer heat waves that particularly overwhelmed the vast plains of Bengal. So the hills with its endless stepped paddy fields and canals on steep slopes, was a place that welcomed and kept visitors. I too was a resident for a period of 9 months a year for 11 years.

But as soon as the monsoons came to crash on the hillsides deepening its green and reddening its flesh of iron flowing into the Teesta river, a brown river swelled and raced to the Ganga. Historically, the British used to wheel back to Bengal just in time to clutch their paper empire, whilst in my time I was returning home for holiday naps and frequent pampering. Some welcomed the monsoons and worshiped the mighty rivers in their backyard. Others would curse the constant dampening of air, mind and landscape. I was pretty divided on this because as much as wearing a raincoat to protect my uniform in the wild weather seemed futile, there was no question about raindrops hitting tin roofs, reverberating a meditative and constant chant that could put entire villages into deep sleep.

Meanwhile my parents lived and toiled as teachers in neighbouring Nepal, living initially in a town close to the Bhutanese refugee camp and later in the capital. So Kathmandu became another pit stop to the west of Kalimpong. To the east of Kalimpong was Thimphu, Bhutan, where I was born but never went, and to the west was Nepal where I never grew up but always went for holidays. So I grew up somewhere between country and home, between exile and travel.

In this corridor of confluence of many things such as western rock ‘n’ roll at every concert, a bit of proselytization within incredibly pointy churches, Nepali folk singers busking through the village sides, Hindi movies full of commercial breaks about detergent powders, Indian nationalism and independence day marches in August when it was wet, and Ghurkha Nepali reclamation marches during good weather conditions, and Tibetan lamas wherever I went, amongst native Lepchas, who I now see with redefined memories created of the past by further reading in later life. It is strange how education steals away our innocence and fools us into seeing all these questionable yet vital distinctions between people. I continue to grapple with an obsession for uniformity and distinction, because I doubt whether I have arrived at that point in language where my individual perceptions about history is fair, or whether it matters in the first place.

Who was not fooled in these hills? Those mighty eagles and hawks hiding perched on deciduous fir branches were never fooled, neither by their coming of age nor their lack of place, and knew exactly when to spread their wings, surge up to the sky, hover in the wind, and swoop down on scrambling chooks. At the time these birds meant nothing. This leads me to what impressed my young mind the most. What really grabbed my attention at that age were bigger faster birds or low flying Russian MiG fighters at 400km/hr that crisscrossed the valleys, banking on the hills so close you could even see red round pilot helmets bobbing out from inside cockpits. We used to notice this from deep within bushes, momentarily looking up in awe only to return back to that luscious taste of yellow raspberries. Berries that tasted like a mix of oranges and raspberries.

As an adolescent I went on to live in Nepal, but never had I questioned my lack of place. Predictably I was confusing movement as home. I never went where I was born, and only visited where I never grew up. Fast forward to 2010 on my return trip back to Adelaide, it finally occurred to me what it meant to return to a place without immediately feeling lost again. It was strange not to relive another fleeting horizon. Nearing 30, I am yet to find home but since that experience I feel like I am getting closer.



Free the Expression

Butter does not come out of a jar with a straight finger, so they say in Nepali. What this actually means is without conflict, without commotion, without resistance, without action there is no reaction.
In recent times in Australia, politicians want us to believe that an inability to express a racist opinion is limiting our freedom of expression. My reasonable guess is that most Australians have never personally experienced real deprivation of this freedom. I can only think of one story where an individual’s implicit freedom of political communication was severely restricted. In 2016 just before the Federal election, Duncan Storrar a motivated individual and a father, drove all the way from Geelong to Melbourne to attend a QandA, the popular television program, and asked a question, “I’ve got a disability and a low education- that means I’ve spent my whole life working off a minimum wage. You’re gonna lift the tax-free threshold for rich people. If you lift my tax-free threshold, that changes my life. That means that I get to say to my little girls, ‘Daddy’s not broke this weekend, we can go to the pictures.’ Rich people don’t even notice their tax-free threshold lift. Why don’t I get it? Why do they get it?

Now he struck a cord with the audience and the masses. Some media channels followed up, praised him and called him a hero. Others saw him as a villain, so ridiculed, and later smeared him for not paying taxes. No one knows how corporate media was able to get his tax records. Duncan had noted during the program that he pays taxes through GST and duties. Despite these responses, the dogs of war were unleashed upon him to tarnish his reputation and prevent his view from becoming an election issue in 2016. And the dogs were very successful at it.

On the other hand everyday Australians are highly unlikely to deprive another’s right to freedom of expression- in fact there is encouragement to speak your mind with volume.

So my real problem with freedom of expression is that in reality it is not restricted enough. In other words my environment hardly creates conflict that I can feed off. If my freedom of expression was taken away I will probably voice an opinion to protect it without external influence. But in the absence of conflict, I feel paralysed and formulating an opinion becomes a chore. Coming up with one takes incredible effort and organisation. So how can I free my expression? It appears that I need a plan.

I have a cunning plan to generate this conflict, not only for myself but also for others who are interested. This is because with more conflict, more resistance, we might opine more frequently. That’s right, with more conflict I hope to free my expression.

I propose that we introduce a fine for not expressing opinions. If one attends a public forum and voices an opinion once a month, their name gets ticked off a list. I say this because in Australia we already get fined for not voting. And voting is only another form freedom of expression. Voting converts a busy Saturday into a proper BBQ once every three years. That’s not enough. They say 93% of communication is body language, but what percentage of it is actually communicated through votes. And then we complain how politicians don’t get our message when our communication is passive

On the other hand an obligation to make a speech on a weekday once a month sounds like proper conflict to generate opinions. Forums particularly at local councils will appear everywhere due to this initiative or at least memberships at current forums will increase. And we could even print “How to make speeches cards” just like the politicians print out “How to Vote Cards”.

If the option of fines only, does not work, then I have a second proposal as part of my cunning package. My second proposal adds a reward over the obligation to opine so that there is a positive trigger: a carrot not just a stick.

An individual who provides receipts for 12 speeches in a year receives a 10% income tax cut, and 5% for 6 speeches in a year. Even Duncan would be pleased with that.

If all these measures do not work then there is a third option. Provide a wage indexed on the Consumer Price Index, directly into our bank accounts after we have voiced an opinion at our local council on a burning issue in the community. This is not far fetched because politicians get money from the Commonwealth to run election campaigns all the time. Why can’t an everyday Australian get paid for speaking up?

In conclusion I would say we need more conflict or behavioural triggers in our day-to-day lives to free the expression rather than hope for high levels of motivation. After all we are human, and prefer BBQs over lazy Saturdays, and prefer them once a month over once in 3 years.

Butter does not come out of a jar with a straight finger.

Nine years of Truth: Redemption

Simple words are better suited for bitter truths and blatant fallacies. In dealing with topics of this complexity I prefer to use them over beautiful ones that are better suited for poetry and legal jargon.

Earlier on I expressed some views about the time period between 1977 and 1985 in a brief analysis titled Nine Years of Truth. I spoke about why we do not need truth commissions but need to focus on unity. That is because, the truth has been out there for 30-35 years i.e. Bhutan began assimilationist policies to wipe out nepali cultural traits, well before 1989. The touchy-feely politik of Bhutan could have simply ignored cultural differences. But they cultivated an obsession for their own culture, and an apprehension for ours.

They treated their own country like a machine with blocks and flocks, not a place where different human beings, with different opinions lived. Much like we still zip our lips about the caste machinery and ethnic differences in our exile community, expecting it will be fine as if we were always fixed parts, certain forms and features, with no potential for taking a different direction in history. And such machinery always leads to injustice. I did end my earlier analysis saying that we posed a cultural and economic threat to the Ngalops, but their response to it  was extremely disproportionate. And they misjudged our strength, and our resilience to remain an issue. They could not act like the elder brother or elder sister showing tolerance and love, right from the start. They could not. Because apparently between 1977-1990, we all had plans to pack them up, one by one and send them off to the moon.

From my own family experiences, I sense that people were angered, only when they were dispossessed of their identity and challenged for who they were, when in fact everyone had equal rights to be dignified citizens. Horrific torture victim stories remain testament to the degrading treatment of the southerners.

Obviously, Gross National Happiness was the happy hoax of butterflies, that fluttered its wings through the nomadic skies, with blood petals and contagious slogans of parochial tribalism. Yet you ask, a little sip of truth for this bloodlet, in this bloodletting game of truth versus truth.

Truth scale

Historical facts can never be made from thin air. And nothing could be more short-circuited than that. Look at the whole Bhutanese Nepali historical paradigm, squeezed like a piece of lemon, by the propaganda and technocratic potential of Bhutan, stampeding all the life out of genuine stories that remain latched to our continuing existence.

We on the other hand, are coughing and kicking back, with blindfolds and suicide notes.

Simply put, history is important, but even after 27 years, we have not used it enough. The cultural hegemony has to be reversed and this cannot be done by writing and talking, more and more truth. It requires political action through unity and communication.


The Kings of Bhutan have ruled with mystic power based on Buddhism and the raven crown. But we did not buy any of that. Educated and free, we asked for an explanation for the discrimination, second class treatment and denial of the nepali identity. By the way, I use Lhotsanepali as a short hand definition of our cause. I know it could be confusing, but I find it more liberating than long winding names. I understand why we still have to use Bhutanese for obvious reasons. But I use this word for convenience. So in 1989 thousands  of us became anti-nationals, while the Royals transformed themselves into God’s children and also became significant propagandists in their form. They struck to the world as being extremely good looking, cinematic and symbolical. That is how they built and maintained their tribe. They focused all their attention on physical symbols and have almost won doing so. If they can have communities made of Kings and Queens, we could have actually made a community of people. Nothing fancy, just the usual thing. However need a unified process and symbols for that in exile.

So I suggest we:

1. Hold a universal day of remembrance for Bhutanese Nepali or Lhotsamapas or Lhotsanepalis across all resettlement countries in the common form of a World Bhutan Day

Facebook  Page:


We can choose  a historically significant date or we could make such a date. Also it should not conflict with major holidays. It should be a sustainable and flexible date such as – First weekend of July, so that people could participate, yet make time for other plans for families. The date should be convenient as we live in third countries, which have a completely different holiday cycle. This is an extremely important consideration.

This year it could be 5 September 2015, Sunday and the next year it could be 3 September 2016. This could also replace the burden off local community organisations to carry out local and national annual day celebrations. Firstly, these current celebrations are localised and secondly, they are losing participants. In fact there could be a steep revival in community if we are able to coordinate local to global scale events all at once. This will give everyone their community and connection back to them.

2. At this stage, let us think of a simple global candlelight vigil apart from a decent program and focus on the spiritual aspects of reviving a community by reading a declaration or anything for that matter to express solidarity at the same time. I have drafted one below.

“Our ancestors were citizens of Bhutan. We suffered immense socio-cultural persecution that continues to impact many lives to this day inside Bhutan, in exile and in third countries. The loss of lives, the perpetual physical pain, and the suffering associated with our persecution should always remind us that our  common journey has been difficult. We acknowledge that our own heritage is socio-culturally, linguistically and spiritually diverse, but all are undeniably equal in significance. If we want to achieve collective justice for our dehumanisation some day in the future, then we must stand together with one bond, one cause for justice, that is free from caste, religion and ethnic divisions. We stand in unity.”

3. As part of your local community in cooperation with your local groups both incorporated and unincorporated, you will be in control, and the program could include just about anything from a simple candlelight vigil to a major traditional festival with traditional music, and this would depend entirely on communities within cities, states or countries.

4. Repeat it every year to keep the community alive.

5. Perhaps that could also act as a launchpad for many other social and international activities including campaigns for long-term justice, unity and freedom of political prisoners languishing in treacherous prisons.

Last words

So if you agree or if you are thinking to agree,  then I would say that after twenty-seven years there is no harm in a modest show of solidarity. We must do this every year to bring the calm and unity whatever the circumstances back to the community, wherever the individual goes and whatever she or he does. Let it be the resting spot for our worldwide Bhutanese community. I invite you to visit the Facebook page  and give your thoughts there or on google groups.


Nine years of truth

Reasons for writing

Recently I read this article from google groups (which we are expected to), http://www.revengetorealization.com/2015/03/04/unresolved-history-of-bhutan-were-there-crimes-against-humanity/,

which has also surprisingly received positive responses from well-read commentators.

Initially I felt, here was a specimen of a budding generation trying to find its way through sufficiently murky historical waters. But my doubts came to being after some careful consideration.

Also in the past year there has been much drum beating about the truth commissions and I did perceive a general lack of historical analysis in the whole debate. I chose not to speak before, because I was still expecting our bigger and better contributors to draw the line for us. That optimism too turned into doubt. I sincerely think that perhaps our noteworthy writers and thinkers may have sunk their heads in despair. Or they probably see their insights as futile in these factual swamps. This is understandable. I on the other hand feel that at least once in a while, it is important to flush out the accumulated junk at our bases, especially when the conversations begin to repeat. Hence I also do not expect positive responses to this post.

I dedicate this brief analysis to the lost cause of the Bhutanese refugees.

Arbitrary citizenship

It is plain as clean water half a century ago. The citizenship act of 1958 only had 10-year residence requirements. Once fulfilled people became citizens. And citizen or not, historical land distribution and acquisition was yet another matter. People were actually given productive land and that does not happen anywhere today.

The Citizenship Act of 1977 increased the residence requirements from 5 to 15 years for government servants and 10-20 years for other foreigners. Yet scores of people met this requirement on the conclusion of the 1979-1981 census, therefore citizenships were issued to them. Many also forget about the Marriage Act of 1980, and how it candidly defined who was a “non-Bhutanese”. It was a gender discriminatory Act as it used the male gender as the basis for accepting or depriving citizenship.

Even in 1953 during the 1st session of the National Assembly it was being decreed to send monks to the Nepali villages to convert them to Buddhism. In 1979 the national assembly during its 51st session was discussing whether it was appropriate to use other languages other than Dzongkha in the National Assembly. If restrictive citizenship laws can be introduced in 1977, then it would be safe to assume that Ngalongs had been thinking about assimilation for a long time. This is how they were thinking.

Then came the arbitrary Citizenship Act of 1985, which not only redefined what Bhutanese citizenship meant i.e. by introducing the qualifying threshold of 31 December 1958 before which one had to be in the country to be a citizen, but also repeated a census almost 7 years since the last one. The 1988 census was focused only on the Lhotsanepali people and also classified them into seven categories that made it difficult to gain citizenship. Not only had the laws changed for new would-be Lhotsanepali citizens, but citizenships that were previously distributed under the 1977 Act were also revoked under the 1985 Act.

So why wouldn’t people protest? A right to peacefully protest is an internationally recognised right, as part of the freedom of political expression. If you were unhappy about how a government can classify you as non-citizen, why wouldn’t you protest, especially if you are already a citizen and suddenly the next year you are not?

The King repeatedly changed the law to decrease the number of Lhotsanepalis and effectively removed Nepali culture from the face of Bhutan. This is the truth that we have accepted for the last three decades. The king was a racist man driven by greed to protect his monarchy. And he succeeded at it.

Dr. Sammdu in the earlier cited article remarked that the “so-called leaders began the protest movements in 1986”. This is actually untrue because people were initially involved in peaceful protests after Driglam Namza was introduced in January 1989 and Nepali language and culture was banned in February 1989. The census after the 1985 Citizenship Act itself was completed in 1988 and the citizenships were being distributed or revoked thereafter. So what movement in 1986 is Dr. Sammdu talking about? A blatant lie, which the younger generations are, still unequipped to reply to.

On the side note, I would like to stress the lack of discrimination felt before 1985. To give you real examples, my father and other family members were touring Bhutan during their national service between 1983-1985. They as citizens, registered before 1958, had a wonderful time growing up in Bhutan with education and opportunities. And like many other thousand individuals and families became involved in the protests of the 1990s, because they actually had some damn good reasons for it.

King innocent?

It is sometimes theorized that the King did not have bad intentions, and that the situation was overtaken and exacerbated by ill-minded officials and advisors of the King. A middle path of reconciliation has also been recently advocated for, and I completely like the idea of reconciliation. But on what terms will this reconciliation occur if it ever does?

Middle path for what?

A middle path made popular in the ancient times by Buddha, is justified when there are two political absolute ideas at two extreme ends of a scale. For example, Buddha created the middle path of the four noble truths between Brahmanism on one side, which encouraged wealth, power and pleasure (material gains) and the Sramanas who completely rejected material wealth and encouraged a life of asceticism that freed them from worldly pleasures. Buddha said you could have a bit of both and actually attain Nirvana.

Borrowing Buddha’s ideas and using it for Bhutan’s history requires equally recognisable poles. And talking about our history, which is sufficiently clear, what new middle ground are we thinking to deduce with a truth commission? 

Corruption Inquiries

Tek Nath Rizal, a member of the National Assembly was well known as the representative of the Lhotsanepalis and was also involved in commissions. These commissions created by the monarch were investigating corruption within a broad range of industries and government departments inside Bhutan. Many relatives of the Royal family were implicated and this is considered to be one of the main reasons behind the sudden changes that were followed by conspicuous communication barriers between the King and the people.


But hello! If the King was really willing to listen to Tek Nath Rizal and the concerns he raised about the corruption inquiry and about Lhotsampas in April 1988, why would a well mannered King respond to that, with extreme measures such as the ‘One Nation One Policy’, dress codes and ban of Nepali language in schools in Jan-Feb 1989?

His reaction, half a year later does not make sense.

Gorkhaland movement 

Commentators including Michael Hutt often point to the Gorkhaland movement that started in 1986 in the neighbouring country of India as one of the factors that motivated the King of Bhutan to change his policies? Perhaps Dr. Sammdu and many others like him have confused the Gorkhaland movement of 1986 with the Lhotsanepali movement of 1990 inside Bhutan. I admit we do appear similar in our physical appearances, don’t we?

Nine years of truth

I find it quite appalling that others and we, repeatedly discount the policy changes that started before 1977 and ended in 1985 – all before the Gorkhaland movement, Teknath Rizal’s investigation, Driglam Namza and Nepali culture ban that led to the Lhotsanepali political agitations.

The nine years of drastic ethnic cleansing measures between 1977-1986 actually gave birth to the later protest movements of the Lhotsanepalis against the authorities. It does not matter when, how and who started the protest movements. My uncles were involved in it, so what? Even if they were not involved in the protests, I would have still raised the same questions and doubts in relation to further historical analysis.

Many had not even heard of the Gorkhaland movement in 1986 inside Bhutan. It was only in 1990 that the persecution of Lhotsanepalis in Bhutan personally affected thousands and that led to political agitation. The Gorkhaland analysis was featured in discourses much later. Of course there was going to be a government crack down. And of course we were going to face consequences for our political opinions. And of course propaganda would be used against us.

But no Lhotsanepali should forget the basic facts, you reckon?

Political expression

Voicing an opinion in that era of communication was not easy. There weren’t computers, and there weren’t high tech smart phones. Protests were done in the old way. Also when people want to protest for their rights, they do not enrol in a university course to learn how to protest, do they?

So what is all the point of this suspicion and leader bashing?

Wherever there has been injustice in the world, it is always the people with opinions and a bit of guts, who stand up for the rest! Yet many now sit on their blubbery bottoms, chew up commissions and puke on our leaders for their past efforts. Yes we do have to question each one of their ideas and later agendas. But, why raise red flags against established facts?

Why don’t we acknowledge widespread caste discrimination and accept that we have to work very hard on social cohesion? We could perhaps use a truth commission for that, couldn’t we?

But I have realised through hard work that denial and silences are the first steps taken by individuals who tolerate oppression whether internal or external.

Convince the king

Let us look at ourselves a bit impartially, shall we?

The Lhotsanepalis did not have an army protecting them. In fact the monarch, to crush the Lhotsanepalis, used the Royal Bhutan Army. Could a change of the protest flags, or change of pitch of voice or change of song could have convinced a racist King to change his mind? You will probably think that I am getting too imaginative here, yet criticism for our leaders, without research and against established facts, is apparently not too imaginative.

In essence I am doubtful whether we are being realistic about truth commissions? Who is going to come and testify, and about what?


Thousands of political prisoners who faced the bare brunt of gruesome torture and barbaric treatment by the authorities, followed by forceful eviction of over a hundred thousand Lhotsanepalis beginning from 1989 until well after 1994, and the recurrent unwillingness expressed by the monarchy later through the joint-verification processes to eventually un-settle us all appear clear enough. Also the pervasive and current ethnic cleansing policy of No-Objection Certificates are big facts that do not require further elucidation, so what truth are we chasing?

The assimilationist policies of Bhutan that began well before 1977  were brutal, demeaning and disproportionate to the cultural and economic threat we actually posed. Period.

Some sources

This Human Rights Watch report http://www.hrw.org/reports/2007/bhutan0507/3.htm.

And this BBC Timeline (although incomplete) http://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-12641778,



helps us a great deal in revisiting those crucial details.